政观快递 | ARPS Vol. 23, 2020（上）

期刊简介：《政治学年鉴》（Annual Review of Political Science）自1998年出版以来，其内容涵盖了政治学领域的重大进展，包括政治理论和哲学、国际关系、政治经济学、政治行为、美国和比较政治、公共管理和政策以及方法论等。

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期刊目录

1. 理解艰难与轻松时期的多边制度

2. 超越战争与契约：欧洲国家的中世纪和宗教根源

3. 压力下的麦迪逊体制：对政治极化的发展分析

4. 民主的稳定性：一个长期观点

5. 政治错误信息

6. 政党和党派性的政治学理论

7. 气候变化与工作：政治与权力

8. 研究领导人和精英：个人传记法

9. 理解种族主义在当代美国公共舆论中的角色

10. 政党重划选区和政治学

11. 经济地理学、政治和政策

12. 全球环境政治中的跨国行为体和跨国治理

理解艰难与轻松时期的多边制度

题目：Understanding Multilateral Institutions in Easy and Hard Time

作者：Robert O. Keohane，普林斯顿大学公共与国际事务学院教授。

摘要：在我的学术工作中，我试图理解世界政治中制度化的多边合作，以及这种合作的背景:广泛的经济相互依赖，或全球化。经济相互依赖的政治含义是什么?在何种情况下，面对全球化的国家愿意与多边组织分享其权力，而这些国家对多边组织的政策只能施加间接的或集体的影响？我已经提出了解释性框架和一些理论来解决这些问题。在其他工作中，我帮助制定了定性研究设计的准则，并探索了一些与制度问责和合法性相关的规范性问题。我在多边制度上的研究成果，是在多边合作日益加强的时期完成的，如今受到了资本主义民主国家内日益加剧的不平等、金融危机和民粹主义的挑战。我现在正试图理解国际政治和比较政治中的气候变化——我认为这是一场生存危机。

In my scholarly work, I have sought to understand institutionalized multilateral cooperation in world politics, and the context of such cooperation: extensive economic interdependence, or globalization. What are the political implications of economic interdependence? Under what conditions are states facing globalization willing to share their authority with multilateral organizations over whose policies they exert only indirect and collective influence? I have developed interpretive frameworks and some theory to address these issues. In other work, I have helped to develop precepts for qualitative research design, and I have explored some normative issues associated with institutional accountability and legitimacy. My work on multilateral institutions, which was done in a period of increasing multilateral cooperation, is challenged by increasing inequality in capitalist democracies, financial crisis, and nationalist forms of populism. I am now seeking to understand the international and comparative politics of climate change, which I regard as an existential crisis.

超越战争与契约：

欧洲国家的中世纪和宗教根源

题目：Beyond War and Contracts: The Medieval and Religious Roots of the European State

作者：Anna Grzymala-Busse，斯坦福大学政治学系Michelle and Kevin Douglas 国际研究教授, Freeman Spogli研究所国际问题高级研究员。

摘要：国家源自于何处？在早期现代世界中，国家间的战争和统治者与被统治者之间订立的契约是对这一问题的两个经典回答。新一代的学者已经将欧洲国家的历史起源追溯到了中世纪，关注诸如议会、大学、法律、继承规则以及城市等内部制度。这些研究对领土碎片化的起源、国家管理结构上的相似性以及国家对政策的关注等议题留下了开放答案。其中，一个答案这样写道：在解释国家形成的过程中，中世纪的教会所扮演的至关重要的作用被忽视了，它不仅是主权者的竞争对手，也是司法管辖制度创新、法律以及人力资本形成的模板。教会的影响进一步解释了为什么中世纪领土碎片化的状况会持续，为什么王室法庭会采用与之相似的管理方式以及为什么世俗国家仍然注重道德和社会纪律。

Where does the state come from? Two canonical answers have been interstate wars and contracts between rulers and the ruled in the early modern period. New scholarship has pushed back the historical origins of the European state to the Middle Ages, and focused on domestic institutions such as parliaments, universities, the law, inheritance rules, and cities. It has left open questions of the causes of territorial fragmentation, the structural similarities in state administrations, and the policy preoccupations of the state. One answer is a powerful but neglected force in state formation: the medieval Church, which served as a rival for sovereignty, and a template for institutional innovations in court administrations, the law, and the formation of human capital. Church influence further helps to explain why territorial fragmentation in the Middle Ages persisted, why royal courts adopted similar administrative solutions, and why secular states remain concerned with morality and social discipline.

压力下的麦迪逊体制：

对政治极化的发展分析

题目：Madison's Constitution Under Stress: A Developmental Analysis of Political Polarization

作者：Paul Pierson，加州大学伯克利分校政治学系教授; Eric Schickler，加州大学伯克利分校政府研究所联合主任。

摘要：为了理解美国的政治极化为何没有自我修正，反而继续加剧，作者提出了一种“发展的”范式。在特定情形下，极化的初始增加可能带来中观环境的变化，包括州政党、媒体结构、利益集团结构等。这些变化转而能够影响政治的其他方面，导致极化的进一步强化。这一分析有四个重要好处：（1）该研究致使我们关注中观意义上的美国政体环境；（2）厘清了政体传统中可以限制政治极化程度与持续性的特征，并提出这些特征在当下衰弱的缘由；（3）有助于分析政治极化中非对称性的或特定政党的方面；（4）该研究提供了一个将美国政治文献和比较政治文献中围绕民主衰退的讨论联系起来的分析基础。

We present a “developmental” approach to understanding why rising polarization in the United States has not been self-correcting but instead continues to intensify. Under specified conditions, initial increases in polarization may change the meso-environment, including such features as state parties, the structure of media, and the configuration of interest groups. These shifts can in turn influence other aspects of politics, leading to a further intensification of polarization. This analysis has four important benefits: (a) It directs our attention to the meso-institutional environment of the American polity; (b) it clarifies the features of the polity that have traditionally limited the extent and duration of polarization, and the reasons why their contemporary impact may be attenuated; (c) it helps us analyze asymmetrical, or party-specific, aspects of polarization; and (d) it provides an analytic foundation that connects discussions of American politics to the comparative politics literature on democratic backsliding.

民主的稳定性：一个长期观点

题目：Democratic Stability: A Long View

作者：Federica Carugati，斯坦福大学行为社会科学高级研究中心项目主管。

摘要：民主稳定性的来源有哪些？现代三波民主化的证据表明民主的稳定性依赖于经济增长、强国家和自由制度。但是我们能超越自由主义来巩固民主吗？这一问题不仅与民主化希望渺茫或者对自由民主不感兴趣的发展中国家密切相关，也与21世纪在自由秩序上取得成就，如今却被侵蚀的发达国家密切相关。本文以全新的角度检视了过去20年到半个世纪内民主稳定性的状况。本文特别关注了古代雅典的贡献，古代雅典强调了共享规范和合适的制度设计的重要性。古代雅典的例子表明我们通常将与现代自由民主关联的善并不必然依赖于一系列价值，也没有独特的制度表现形式。

What are the sources of democratic stability? The evidence from three modern waves suggests that stability rests on economic growth, strong states, and liberal institutions. But can we secure democratic stability beyond liberalism? This question is relevant to those developing countries that have little hope, and perhaps little interest in liberal democracy. But it is also increasingly relevant to those developed nations where the achievements of the twentieth-century liberal order are being eroded. This article takes a fresh look at democratic stability by reviewing the evidence from the last two and a half millennia. Particular attention is devoted to the case of ancient Athens, which highlights the importance of alignment between shared norms and appropriately designed institutions. Athens’ case suggests that goods that we usually associate with modern liberal democracy do not necessarily rely on a given set of values and do not have a unique institutional manifestation.

政治错误信息

题目：Political Misinformation

作者：Jennifer Jerit，纽约州立大学石溪分校政治学教授；Yangzi Zhao，纽约州立大学石溪分校政治学博士生。

摘要：错误信息存在于人们持有并确信不正确的事实信念之时。错误信息问题最早由Kuklinski及其同事于2002年提出，它对政治体系造成危害，并且非常难以纠正。本文中，作者评估了美国政治错误信息的相关实证文献，并考虑了学者应当从这些早期研究中学到什么。作者的研究结论是，该议题的研究发展并不平衡。长期以来，学者们详细阐述了政治错误信息的心理学因素，这项工作硕果颇丰。与之相较，尽管有大量有关如何纠正错误信息的研究，但这些文献在论述上并不连贯。最后，新近的研究提出了这样一个问题：人们关于自身事实信念的报告是真实的呢，还是党派支持的一种表达形式？总之，关于政治错误信息学术研究的文献说明了代议制民主固有的许多挑战。

Misinformation occurs when people hold incorrect factual beliefs and do so confidently. The problem, first conceptualized by Kuklinski and colleagues in 2000, plagues political systems and is exceedingly difficult to correct. In this review, we assess the empirical literature on political misinformation in the United States and consider what scholars have learned since the publication of that early study. We conclude that research on this topic has developed unevenly. Over time, scholars have elaborated on the psychological origins of political misinformation, and this work has cumulated in a productive way. By contrast, although there is an extensive body of research on how to correct misinformation, this literature is less coherent in its recommendations. Finally, a nascent line of research asks whether people's reports of their factual beliefs are genuine or are instead a form of partisan cheerleading. Overall, scholarly research on political misinformation illustrates the many challenges inherent in representative democracy.

政党和党派性的政治学理论

题目：The Political Theory of Parties and Partisanship: Catching Up

作者：Russell Muirhead, 达特茅斯学院政府系Robert Clements教授；Nancy L. Rosenblum, 哈佛大学政府系Senator Joseph Clark教授。

摘要：尽管政党在现代民主政治中处于中心地位，但其近来已退居民主理论边缘，位于社会运动、市民社会团体、协商实验、地方参与型政府的空间以及民众直接参政之后。然而，近15年来，民主理论领域中涌现出大量关注政党和党派性的文献；这也是本文关注点所在。本文为政党确立了三个主要的规范性辩护：第一点集中于政党在政权中作为公众理性代言人的特殊角色，第二点着眼于政党推动协商的方式，第三点关注政党对受控的政治竞争与政权和平交替的承诺。在辩护的最后一部分，本文评述了关于政党的宪法地位以及党禁原因的研究。随后，本文研究了党派性和公民的关系，并在第四部分转向党派性的伦理准则。政党和党派性相互交织但又可分离：如果党派性是了解政党价值的必要条件，那么反之亦然，政党对于了解党派性的价值也是必要的。

Despite their centrality to modern democracy, until recently political parties were relegated to the margins of normative democratic theory, taking a back seat to social movements, civil society associations, deliberative experiments, spaces for local participatory government, and direct popular participation. Yet, in the past 15 years, a burgeoning literature has emerged in democratic theory focused directly on parties and partisanship; that is our focus in this review. We locate three main normative defenses of parties: one centered in the special role parties can play in political justification as agents of public reason, a second that looks to the way parties contribute to deliberation, and a third that focuses on the partisan commitment to regulated political rivalry and peaceful rotation in office. In this last connection, we survey work on the constitutional status of parties and reasons for banning parties. We then consider the relation of partisanship to citizenship, and in a fourth section we turn to the ethics of partisanship. Parties and partisanship are interwoven but separable: If partisans are necessary to realize the value of parties, the reverse holds as well, and parties are necessary to realize the value of partisanship.

气候变化与工作：政治与权力

题目：Climate Change and Work: Politics and Power

作者：Natasha N. Iskander，纽约大学城市规划和公共服务系副教授；Nichola Lowe，北卡罗来纳大学教堂山分校城市和区域规划系教授。

摘要：气候变暖是我们这个时代的根本性挑战，这不仅仅是因为它从根本上改变了我们的自然环境，也因为它将重新定义我们的工作和生计。本文为理解气候变化的压力将如何影响工作、生产和科技的政治后果搭建了一座解释性的桥梁。作者围绕三个主题组织本文：商品化和使成本和资源可视化的过程；知识生产和代表未来的政治；以及转型正义和如何公平分配变革的成本和机遇。这些主题都强调了市场无论在政策上还是言论上的主导地位，市场在这些方面的重要性超过了其在经济生产和社会交换方面的重要性。然而，这三个主题也使得我们能够考虑采取新的政治和体制行动，以应对缓解气候变化和维持生计的双重挑战。

Climate warming is the fundamental challenge of our time, not only because it will radically transform our natural environment but also because it will redefine jobs and livelihoods. This article builds an interpretive bridge for understanding the political consequences of how climate change pressures will affect work, production, and technology. We organize this review along three themes: commodification and the processes through which costs and resources are made visible; the production of knowledge and the politics of representing the future; and just transitions and how to distribute the costs and the opportunities of change equitably. These themes all address the ways that the dominance of the market—both in rhetoric and in policy—eclipses the materiality of economic production and social exchange. Together, however, the three themes also allow us to contemplate new political and institutional actions for tackling the twinned challenges of mitigating climate change and safeguarding our livelihoods.

研究领导人和精英：个人传记法

题目：Studying Leaders and Elites: The Personal Biography Approach

作者：Daniel Krcmaric，西北大学政治学系助理教授；Stephen C. Nelson，西北大学政治学系副教授；Andrew Roberts，西北大学政治学系副教授。

摘要：在过去20年中，严肃对待个人领袖和精英的作用的研究重新兴起。这篇文章讨论了一项新的研究——探索传记因素如何影响领袖和精英行为。作者把这种研究称为政治领导的个人传记法。作者首先列出了传记特点可能影响领导人行为的4种机制，然后对主要的调查结果进行了讨论，并根据社交经历（如教育、兵役和之前的职业）与先赋特质（如性别、种族和民族）将它们分组。作者还考虑了对这类研究提出挑战的方法论问题，特别是内生性和选择效应。最后，作者对文献中的缺漏进行了评估，并为未来的传记工作提供了建议。

The last two decades have seen a revival in work that takes the role of individual leaders and elites seriously. This article surveys new research that explores how biographical factors influence their behavior. We call this literature the personal biography approach to political leadership. Our survey first lays out four mechanisms through which biographical characteristics might affect leader behavior. We then discuss the main findings, grouping them according to socializing experiences (e.g., education, military service, and prior occupation) and ascriptive traits (e.g., gender, race, and ethnicity). We also consider the methodological problems, especially endogeneity and selection effects, that pose challenges to this style of research. We conclude with an assessment of gaps in the literature and provide suggestions for future work in the biographical vein.

理解种族主义在当代美国公共舆论中的角色

题目：Understanding the Role of Racism in Contemporary US Public Opinion

作者：Katherine Cramer，威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校政治学系教授。

摘要：在当代语境下，种族主义是美国公共舆论中无法绕开的问题。当学者们对典型的测量和概念化种族主义的方式进行审视时，作者认为有理由将种族仇恨规模重新定义为对政治不平等原因的一种测量。作者还认为有理由超越将种族主义作为一种态度（attitude）的认知，并将其概念化为一种观点（perspective）。此外，作者认为有理由更加关注种族主义产生并持续成为人们思考公共事务方式的这一过程中精英所扮演的角色。对种族主义的研究与更广泛地公共讨论并行发展：人们逐步认识到种族主义如何以复杂而根本性的方式融入美国文化和政治生活。

In the contemporary context, it is inescapable that racism is a factor in US public opinion. When scholars take stock of the way we typically measure and conceptualize racism, we find reason to reconceptualize the racial resentment scale as a measure of the reasons for political inequality. We also see reason to move beyond thinking of racism as an attitude, toward conceptualizing it as a perspective. In addition, we see reason to pay closer attention to the role of elites in creating and perpetuating a role for racism in the way people think about public affairs. The study of racism is evolving in parallel with the broader public discussion: toward a recognition of the complex and fundamental ways it is woven into US culture and political life.

政党重划选区和政治学

题目：Partisan Gerrymandering and Political Science

作者：Eric McGhee，加利福尼亚公共政策研究中心高级研究员。

摘要：近年来，公众对政党重划选区的关注大增，包括稳健的改革成就和多起引人注目的判例。政治学家们在这一讨论中起到了重要作用，公众参与度极高。然而，这个向公众公开的时代某种程度上模糊了该学科未来研究的前景。作者回顾了政治学和重划选区的历史，并描述了新增的关注如何影响这一主题的研究。法律的目标与政治学的目标不同，因此只关注前者的研究通常会失去推进政治学研究的机会。作者概述了这种区别并建议重构现有的政党重划选区标准，从而使其适用于更传统的科学问题。最后，作者为在其重构方式下，未来可能会产生的问题提供了一些想法。

Recent years have seen a tremendous surge of public interest in partisan gerrymandering, including robust reform efforts and multiple high-profile court cases. Political scientists have played an important role in this debate, reaching an unusually high level of public engagement. Yet this public-facing period has to some extent obscured promising avenues for future research within the discipline. I review the history of political science and redistricting and describe how research on this topic has been shaped by the newfound interest. The goals of the law differ from those of political science, so research that focuses squarely on the former often misses opportunities to advance the latter. I lay out the contours of this difference and then suggest reframing the existing metrics of partisan gerrymandering to make them useful for more traditionally scientific questions. Finally, I offer some ideas about what those future questions might look like when reframed in this way.

经济地理学、政治和政策

题目：Economic Geography, Politics, and Policy

作者：Stephanie J. Rickard，伦敦政治经济学院政府系教授。

摘要：全球化已经削弱了国家间距离的重要性。然而，在国家内部，地理因素却比以前更加重要。包括生产和雇佣在内的经济活动在国家内部的空间分布是不均衡的，并且全球化最终对不同地区的影响也是不同的。一些地区受益于国际经济整合而一些地区的利益因此而受损。由此，经济地理塑造了公民对于全球化的体验。经济地理同样影响着政府对于全球化和经济冲击的回应。经济地理学因此也值得政治学者的关注。通过对经济地理学的研究，研究者们将为长期存在的理论争论找到新的推动力，并对近期包括日益增加的逆全球化在内的研究进展提出有价值的观点。对经济地理研究的挑战包括因果关系的复杂性和测量问题。

Globalization has reduced the importance of distance between countries. Yet, within countries, geography matters now more than ever. Economic activities, including production and employment, occur unevenly across space within countries, and globalization consequently impacts various regions differently. Some areas benefit from international economic integration while others lose, and as a result, economic geography shapes citizens’ experience of globalization. Economic geography also influences governments’ responses to globalization and economic shocks. Economic geography consequently merits the attention of political scientists. By examining economic geography, researchers will find new traction on long-standing theoretical debates and valuable insights on recent developments, including the growing backlash against globalization. The challenges of studying economic geography include causal complexity and measurement issues.

全球环境政治中的跨国行为体和跨国治理

题目：Transnational Actors and Transnational Governance in Global Environmental Politics

作者：Thomas Hale，牛津大学布拉瓦尼克政府学院副教授。

摘要：跨国行为体和跨国治理与政府间的外交和机构在当前一起塑造着全球环境政治的核心要素。本文探讨了跨国主义是如何、在什么条件下出现的，以及它对世界政治的影响。它考虑了跨国行为体和治理对政治结果的影响，它们与国家和政府间机构的关系，以及围绕其合法性和问责制的规范性问题。由于跨国行为体和机构在环境政治中所起的关键作用，该领域已经成为了探索全球治理在更普遍的世界政治中演变这一更广泛问题的实验室。随着全球环境挑战继续扩大并影响政治活动的其他领域，了解这些动态将变得越来越重要。

Transnational actors and transnational governance now form core elements of global environmental politics alongside intergovernmental diplomacy and institutions. This article explores how and under what conditions this transnationalism has arisen, as well as its implications for world politics. It considers what effects transnational actors and governance have had on political outcomes, their relation to states and intergovernmental institutions, and normative questions around their legitimacy and accountability. The critical role of transnational actors and institutions in environmental politics has made the field a laboratory for broader questions concerning the evolution of global governance in world politics more generally. As global environmental challenges continue to magnify and affect other spheres of political activity, understanding these dynamics will become increasingly important.

编译/校对：施榕、杨端程、康张城、殷昊、赵德昊、吴温泉

编辑：郭静远

【政文观止Poliview】系头条号签约作者

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