【新刊速递】第50期 | International Relations of Asia-Pacific, No.2, 2020 / 四六文摘

期刊简介

International Relations of Asia-Pacific，成立于2001年，由牛津大学出版社代表日本国际关系协会出版，每年1月、5月和9月出版共三次。该期刊主要关注亚太地区的国际政治动态，包括中国国内政治、美国在亚太地区的地位、地区治理、日本对外关系、亚洲与国际关系理论、中国的全球化道路以及中国的国家认同等。根据2018 Journal Citation Reports显示，其影响因子为1.233。

本期编委

【编译】李雯珲朱家羲朱文菡徐一君

【审校】唐一鸣丁伟航朱文菡兰星辰朱雯珲晋玉阮含含梁坤

【排版】高思慧

本期目录

1.自然灾害时期的失败合作：国家拒绝人道主义援助的原因

Failed cooperation in times of natural disasters: explaining the rejection of humanitarian aid

2.美澳关系中的“亚洲威胁”：过去与现在

The ‘Asia threat’ in the US–Australia relationship: then and now

3.关于“三八线”的38秒：美军制作的短视频是如何推动原本敌对的日韩走向合作的

38 seconds above the 38th parallel: how short video clips produced by the US military can promote alignment despite antagonism between Japan and Korea

4.“责任”，变化和崛起大国的角色概念：比较印度外交政策在全球气候变化谈判和海上安全问题中的角色

‘Responsibility’, change, and rising powers’ role conceptions: comparing Indian foreign policy roles in global climate change negotiations and maritime security

自然灾害时期的失败合作：国家拒绝人道主义援助的原因

【题目】Failed cooperation in times of natural disasters: explaining the rejection of humanitarian aid

【作者】Charlotte Dany，法兰克福大学

【摘要】本文提出了为什么经济实力强的民主国家在发生严重自然灾害后拒绝人道主义援助的问题，选择的案例是1995年日本神户地震、2004年印度洋海啸后印度的反应和2005年美国卡特里娜飓风。本文认为，决策者的“自我认知”（self-perceptions）和“外部认知”（other-perceptions）可以解释其为何拒绝接受人道主义援助。其中，“自我认知”受到灾难的可管理性、国家角色观念和国内政治等因素的影响，“外部认知”受到与援助者的关系水平和援助性质两个因素的影响。本文认为，即使是那些备灾充分且经济实力强大的民主国家，领导人拒绝人道主义援助并不仅仅是因为他们具有充分的灾害管理能力。相反，官僚主义的弊端和行政失灵阻碍其接受援助。此外，援助国被视为既定捐助者还是新兴捐助者，以及国内政治因素也会影响被援助国的决策。最后，主流观点过分关注国家财富和能力，缺乏长远眼光。提供和拒绝人道主义援助都是出于政治考虑。

This article asks why economically strong democracies reject humanitarian aid after severe natural disasters, focusing on the Kobe earthquake in Japan (1995), India’s response to the Indian Ocean tsunami (2004), and Hurricane Katrina in the United States (2005). It explains these rejections of humanitarian aid by analyzing the decision-makers’ ‘self-perceptions’ through the factors of manageability, national role perceptions, and domestic political impact, as well as ‘other-perceptions’ through their relations to donors and the nature of the aid offers. It finds that even in those disaster-prepared and economically strong democracies, state leaders rejected humanitarian aid not simply because they had sufficient disaster management capabilities. Rather, bureaucratic hurdles and administrative failure impeded aid acceptance. Moreover, conceptions of those countries’ roles as established or emerging donors, as well as domestic political factors influenced their decisions. Ultimately, the dominant explanations focusing on wealth and capabilities are thus too shortsighted. Not only giving but also rejecting humanitarian aid follows political considerations.

【编译】李雯珲

【校对】唐一鸣丁伟航

美澳关系中的“亚洲威胁”：过去与现在

【题目】The ‘Asia threat’ in the US–Australia relationship: then and now

【作者】 Stuart Rollo，悉尼大学民主网络中心

【摘要】在1941年正式结盟前的近一个世纪中，美澳两国围绕着对共同身份、经济、政治和战略利益等问题的看法形成了特殊的双边关系。或许在美澳关于共同利益的共识中，最重要一点是两国都面临的日益加剧的对于多层次的“亚洲威胁”的恐惧。“亚洲威胁”起源于19世纪50年代淘金热期间对于中国移民的人口恐惧，后来演变为对于日本帝国主义日益增长的军事力量和太平洋地区的地缘战略优势的担忧。近年来，中国的崛起一直是美澳同盟的核心焦点。在很多方面，用来对抗中国的安全架构是历史上应对“亚洲威胁”的遗产。理解这种关系的历史背景，对于消除现行安全政策中过时的“亚洲威胁”观念是必要的。

For almost a century before the formal alliance between the United States and Australia in 1941, a relationship was being formed around interrelated perceptions of shared identity and economic, political, and strategic interests. Perhaps the single most important factor in the recognition of shared interests lay in the mutually reinforcing fears of a multilayered ‘Asia threat’ that developed in parallel in both countries, originating as a demographic fear over Chinese migration during gold rushes of the 1850s, and progressing to focus on the growing military power of imperial Japan and geostrategic dominance of the Pacific. In recent years, the rise of China has been the central focus of US– Australia alliance, and, in many respects, the security architecture used to confront China is a legacy of the historical ‘Asia threat’. Understanding the historical context of the relationship is necessary for dispelling the anachronistic ‘Asia threat’ perceptions from the contemporary security policy.

【编译】朱家羲

【审校】朱文菡兰星辰

关于“三八线”的38秒：美军制作的短视频是如何推动原本敌对的日韩走向合作的

【题目】38 seconds above the 38th parallel: how short video clips produced by the US military can promote alignment despite antagonism between Japan and Korea

【作者】Yuki Asaba, 新潟大学国际研究与地区发展学院；Kyu S Hahn，首尔大学传播学系；Seulgi Jang, 首尔大学传播学系；Tetsuro Kobayashi, 香港城市大学媒体与传播系；Atsushi Tago早稻田大学政治经济学院

【摘要】公共外交的有效性日益成为国际关系领域学者们的科研主题。尽管已有大量的实证工作揭示了公共外交的力量，但现有研究还是主要关注外事部门发起的活动。本文则着重于由军方而非外事部门发起的公共外交活动的效果。值得注意的是，本文认为军方制作的数据、图片和视频在改变信息接收者的看法方面卓有成效。本研究表明美军制作的一段38秒的视频促使分别作为美国盟友的日韩两国在关系高度紧张但又同时受到朝鲜威胁的情况下产生了合作意向。

The effectiveness of public diplomacy is now increasingly the subject of scientific measurement and testing by researchers in the field of International Relations. While there are variety of empirical efforts to uncover the power of public diplomacy, extant studies have mostly focused on the activities initiated by the ministries in charge of external relations. In this article, rather than external relations ministries and agencies, we focus on the effectiveness of public diplomacy by the military. Specifically, we argue that figures, pictures and indeed videos created by military forces have power in changing perceptions among the receivers of the information. In this particular study, we show that a 38 second video made by the US military induces positive feelings for cooperation which would otherwise be difficult to sustain between South Korea and Japan — two countries which have suffered highly fractious relations, yet which are indispensable allies to the US in countering the rising threat from North Korea.

【编译】朱文菡

【校对】李雯珲晋玉

“责任”，变化和崛起大国的角色概念：比较印度外交政策在全球气候变化谈判和海上安全问题中的角色

【题目】‘Responsibility’, change, and rising powers’ role conceptions: comparing Indian foreign policy roles in global climate change negotiations and maritime security

【作者】Johannes Plagemann，Miriam Prys- Hansen ，二人均为德国全球与区域研究所（GIGA）研究员

【摘要】强劲的经济增长与坚定的政治领导力使印度日益成为全球治理中重要的参与者。尽管传统研究强调印度外交政策的连续性，但本文探讨了印度的自我认知在两个政策领域（气候变化和海洋安全）内是如何变化的。本文采用角色理论方法，通过分析官方声明，来反映印度的自我认知及其对其他重要角色行为者的看法。尽管这些在上述两个政策领域都有变化，但在海洋安全领域变化更为显著。我们的比较研究提出了促进新兴大国向承担更多责任的方向转变的三个显著因素：首先，权力的分享比负担的分摊更具传导力（更易被接纳）；其次，与全球政治层面上举足轻重的地区相比，具有强大区域锚点的问题地区更有可能促使其承担起更负责任的角色；第三，积极的外部归因比消极的归因更有效。

Strong economic growth and assertive political leadership have made India an increasingly prominent player in global governance. Whereas conventional scholarship of India’s foreign policy underlines continuity, this article explores how India’s self-conception has changed across two policy fields (climate change and maritime security). Adopting a role-theoretical approach, we analyze official statements as a mirror of both India’s self-understanding and its view on the roles of significant other actors. Although both issue-areas exhibit change, India’s self-ascribed role has been transformed more profoundly in the maritime domain. Our comparison suggests three factors to particularly induce transformation of rising powers’ roles toward ‘more responsibility’: First, power-sharing is more conducive than burden-sharing; second, issue-areas with strong regional anchors are more likely to induce the adoption of a more responsible role than those areas situated primarily at the global level of politics; and third, positive external role ascriptions are more effective than negative ones.

【编译】徐一君

【审校】阮含含梁坤

文章观点不代表本平台观点，本平台评译分享的文章均出于专业学习之用, 不以任何盈利为目的，内容主要呈现对原文的介绍，原文内容请通过各高校购买的数据库自行下载

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【新刊速递】第50期 | International Relations of Asia-Pacific, No.2, 2020

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