TE||The man who spoke out
1
导读
没有人是孤岛，
每个人都是整片大陆的一部分，
没有人是完全的自己，
而总是社会全体的一部分。
当丧钟为他人响起，
你不要问丧钟为谁而鸣，
丧钟是为你而鸣。
---英国作家约翰多恩<祷告>
2
听力|精读|翻译|词组
The man who spoke out
一位敢于发声的人
英文部分选自经济学人Obituary版块
Jamal Khashoggi
贾马尔·哈肖吉
The man who spoke out
一位敢于发声的人
Saudi Arabia’s leading commentator was murdered on October 2nd, aged 59
沙特阿拉伯杰出新闻评论员于10月2日被谋杀，享年59岁
After all the years of hassle, Jamal Khashoggi knew when to stay silent. He was well aware, for example, that the Saudi government’s grand new sewer system in Jeddah was simply manhole covers in the pavements, with no pipes underneath. Such corruption was typical of his country. But as editor of Al-Watan, one of the kingdom’s main newspapers, he did not report on it. At times, too, friends were arrested, and he said nothing. He did not want to lose his job or his freedom. He worried about his family.
经历了多年纷扰，贾马尔·哈肖吉早已清楚什么时候应该保持沉默。比如说，沙特政府在吉达建设了全新的庞大新下水道系统，他其实对其中的底细心知肚明，那不过仅仅是在人行道上装了些井盖子罢了，下面根本没有管道连接。这样的腐败行为在他的国家屡见不鲜。但他作为阿拉伯国家报的编辑——Al-Watan是沙特王国主要的发行杂志之一——并没有将这件事报道出来。同样，他的朋友时不时会被政府逮捕，他也不会就此发声。他不想因为这些而丢掉工作，或者失去自由。他也担心他的家庭受到牵连。
Sometimes, for he liked a joke, he could poke a bit of fun. When the government was tying itself in knots over women’s right to drive, he ran a series of columns in Al-Watan imagining what might happen if a girl rode a camel to university. A woman riding a camel was not against the law. So what should be done about her? The next week, the girl was on a bicycle; the next, on a donkey. The same legal loophole raised the same awkward questions.
有的时候，出于喜欢开玩笑的性格，他也会写一些调侃意味的报道。譬如政府就妇女是否有权利驾驶交通工具的问题反复纠结时，贾马尔·哈肖吉就在阿拉伯国家报上用了好几个专栏来描绘一个女孩骑着骆驼去上学的（尴尬）情景。如果一名妇女骑骆驼不算犯法的话，那我们应该怎么处置她呢？如果下周，女孩骑的是脚踏车呢？然后再下周，她骑了一头驴呢？同样的一个法律漏洞会引发许多同样尴尬的问题。
注：tie (oneself) in(to) knots. 1. To make oneself confused, anxious, worried, and/or upset, as when trying to make a decision, come up with an idea, or resolve an issue. Now don't go tying yourself into knots over the details of your papers—at this point, all you need is a cohesive outline.
Yet they were raised respectfully, by a man who supported the monarchy as instinctively as he picked up his phone. His grandfather had been the doctor of Abdel Aziz bin Saud, the country’s founder, and he himself, reporting from Afghanistan in the 1980s, had worked for Saudi intelligence, getting close to Osama bin Laden to ensure some link, some influence, for the Saudi royal house. This tricky work put him for some years in the princes’ good books.
然而，贾马苏·哈苏吉提出这些问题的时候是作为一名君主制的支持者提出的，并带着极大的敬意。贾马苏·哈苏吉对君主制的支持是本能的，就像他打个电话一样自然。他的父亲曾是沙特创始人Abdel Aziz bin Saud的医生。而他自己从十九世纪八十年代就开始前往阿富汗进行报道，为沙特情报机构工作，甚至接近奥萨马·本拉登（Osama bin Laden）为沙特王室与其建立联系。他完成的这些棘手的工作让他在很长的一段时间内都处于安全状态。
The diplomatic round could easily have been his life. Since he had done business studies in America and spoke pretty good English, he became an adviser to the Saudi ambassador in London and Washington. He had connections with the leaders of Turkey and France, and friends everywhere. In his newspaper years in Jeddah he loved to mingle with foreign journalists, but there was nothing treasonous in this. He could put on several personas, squeezing his bulky form into a natty suit in London and a polo shirt in Washington as well as the flowing white thawb he favoured in the Gulf. His comments on the condition of Saudi Arabia avoided bile or gossip, even when he had enjoyed a drink or two.
他的一生和外交息息相关。他曾在美国学商，英语说得很是不错，后来成为沙特驻英、美的大使的顾问。此外，他与土耳其、法国领导人私交甚好，人脉遍布天下。他在吉达（沙特阿拉伯麦加省的港口城市）的杂志社工作的那几年里，虽然喜欢和外国记者待在一起，但可没有半点叛国的心思。他所做的是尽可能的入乡随俗，将自己融入到不同的社会角色中去。在伦敦，他会把自己硬塞进小西装里；在华盛顿则穿着球衣；在海湾就穿上他最爱的当地特色服饰。他为人谨慎，就算喝了上一两杯，也能保证头脑清醒，不对沙特的政局妄加评论。
注：
1.treasonous adj. 叛逆的；谋反的；having the character of, or characteristic of, a traitor
2.Thawb 阿拉伯长袍
In mid-conversation with non-Muslims he would often break off and disappear to pray. He was observant, but had little taste for the 18th-century Salafi Wahhabism that haunted his country. In his youth he had joined the Muslim Brotherhood as a counterweight to puritanism, and found it a strange contradiction that Saudi Arabia, “the mother of all political Islam”, should want to attack it. For him the Brotherhood was about democracy, even a liberation movement. In the same way he flirted openly with Saudi Arabia’s arch-rival, Qatar, deeply admiring the Al Jazeera news network he hoped to imitate at home. To attack Qatar was to try to crush all expressions of the Arab spring.
贾马苏·哈苏吉是个恪守教规的人。他甚至无法和非穆斯林教徒正常交谈，经常谈到一半就突然消失，跑去祈祷。可他对十八世纪盛行的瓦哈比教派的教义和习俗却不予苟同。年轻时，他曾加入穆斯林兄弟会来对抗清教徒，却发现被誉为“伊斯兰之母”的沙特阿拉伯竟然妄图攻击他们。在他看来，兄弟会本该事关民主，甚至本该是一项自由运动的。秉持着这样的信念，他公开与沙特阿拉伯的头号敌人“卡塔尔”（Qatar）交好，称赞阿拉伯半岛新闻网，还希望自己可以对他们的行为加以效仿。反对卡塔尔就是违背阿拉伯之春的所有理念。
注：
1.Salafi Wahhabism沙拉菲瓦哈比教派. It traced radical Sunni Muslim activities in non-Muslim countries to the "jihadi-Salafi" ideology, better known as Wahhabism, created in Saudi Arabia and supported by major extremist resources in Pakistan (the jihadist movement of Mawdudi) and Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood)
2.arch-rival夙敌
Like so many others, he felt it keenly when that movement flowered and died. Liberalism seldom seemed to enter his life. Growing up in Medina, he saw no women working outside the home. Teenage trips to the makeshift cinema risked exciting the religious police; one friend broke his leg as he jumped from a wall to escape arrest. Freedom of speech would be a long haul. He tried to focus, therefore, on more pressing economic problems: the fact, in particular, that the country’s vast petro-wealth was being squandered on private enrichment, not schools, medium-size enterprises and proper gathering of statistics. The latest book he wanted to write was all about that, not Islamist revolution.
和其他人一样，这场运动的成败同样也牵着贾马苏·哈苏吉的心。事实上，他的一生并未真正体会过自由。他从小在麦地那长大，从未见过外出工作的女性。孩子们去看个电影都要担心被宗教警察发现。他的一个朋友就曾为了逃跑，跳下高墙而摔断了一条腿。言论自由更是遥不可及。因此，他想把目光放在更为紧急的经济问题上去，例如整个国家丰富的石油资源只让某些个体富裕而非投资办学，鼓励中型企业发展亦或是进行合理的数据统计。这些才是他生前创作的书中的主题，而非伊斯兰革命。
注：
Medina n. 麦地那市（沙特阿拉伯西部城市），麦地那是伊斯兰教第二大圣地，622年穆罕默德在麦加受当地人排挤而避往麦地那，并在当地成立最早的伊斯兰教政权，麦地那成为穆斯林国家的第一个首都。麦加是伊斯兰教最神圣的城市，拥有克尔白和禁寺，是伊斯兰教的圣地，是穆斯林每天朝拜的方向，也是570年，伊斯兰教先知穆罕默德的出生地，是每个穆斯林在一生中必须试图朝圣的宗教中心。推荐阅读《耶路撒冷三千年》，后台回复“耶路撒冷”即可获得。
Increasingly, though, he put his native caution to one side. As the years went on his journalistic career got bumpier, usually because he tried to give a platform to voices from the opposition. He was fired from Al-Watan twice for that, in 2003 and 2010, on orders from the Ministry of Information; in 2015 a Saudi-funded news channel he had set up in Bahrain was closed down the day it opened, for interviewing a local activist. The government later banned him from Twitter, where he had 2m followers, and barred him from writing.
然而，他逐渐放弃了自己对祖国的谨慎态度。一年又一年过去，他的新闻工作者职业生涯越来越崎岖，这通常是因为他试着给反对派一个发声的平台。在新闻部的命令下，2003年和2010年他两次因此被国家报辞退；2015年，他在巴林岛创办的一家由沙特出资的新闻频道在开业的当天就被查封了，因为他们采访了一位当地的激进分子。而后，政府禁止了他在有两百万关注者的推特上发布信息，并且禁止他继续写作。
At the Saudi court he had ever fewer friends. Instead, by 2017, he banged up sharply against the new regime of the young crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman. He was told he should be grateful for the prince’s reforms and keep quiet, but he could not make that Faustian bargain, or abide the growing cult of personality and centralised power. Since even his mild criticism was not tolerated, he packed up a couple of cases and left for America.
在沙特法庭上，他的朋友越来越少。然而，到2017年，他重拳反对刚加冕的王子穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼的新政权。人们认为他应该对王子的改革表示感激并保持沉默，但他无法接受这种浮士德式的交易，也无法忍受对个人崇拜和集权主义的热潮。既然人们甚至对他温和的批评也无法忍受，他于是打包了几个箱子，去往了美国。
注：
Faustian：浮士德式的（交易或协议）（为获得财富、成功或权力而不择手段）
源自德国传说中的人物浮士德（Faust），他将灵魂出卖给了魔鬼，以换取多年的权力和享乐。
例子：He said he respects scientists he met from Syngenta, but views collaboration with industry as a Faustian bargain. From New York Times(Dec 31, 2016)
From Washington he watched as fellow journalists had their homes stormed by security men, who filmed everything and took books, papers and computers away. On his Instagram site he posted photos of the American friends he hoped might protect him while, in columns for the Washington Post, he accused Prince Muhammad (“the Boy”, as he had let slip that other royals called him) of impetuousness, selective justice and behaving like Vladimir Putin. Yet even then he was no dissident, in his own eyes. He really disliked that word. He was simply urging the prince to be enlightened and modern-minded, as any loyal Saudi should be free to.
在华盛顿，他看到其他记者的房子被警卫围攻，他们拍下了每件东西，并拿走了书、报纸和电脑。在Instagram上，他发布希望能庇护他的美国朋友的照片。在华盛顿邮报的专栏里，他谴责穆罕默德王子（称作“那个男孩”，他无意中知道其他王室成员这么称呼王子）冲动鲁莽、选择性司法、表现得和弗拉基米尔·普京（俄罗斯总统）一样。然而即使这样，在他自己眼里，他仍然不是一个持不同政见的人。他实在不喜欢这个词。他认为自己仅仅是希望王子受到启发，有更现代的思维，所有沙特王室成员都应该追求这些。
注：
impetuousness：急躁的;冲动的
例子：Yet it is not only Americans who lament the impetuousness of Mr Duterte’s tilt to China: many Filipinos, including senior officials, are worried sick. From TE(Oct 19, 2016)
Not a morning dawned, however, when he did not miss his country. Washington seemed stiflingly clean. In Istanbul, he found solace in the back garden of an Arabic bookshop and in his love for a Turkish researcher, Hatice Cengiz. Hatice was headscarved and devout; hand in hand they strolled round the city, conversing stiffly in classical Arabic. With three divorces behind him, he had paperwork to do before they could be married, and went to the Saudi consulate to sort it out. He was not heard from again.
每一个清晨，他都无比思念他的祖国。华盛顿干净得似乎令人窒息。他感到欣慰的是，在伊斯坦布尔（Istanbul）一家阿拉伯书店里，他发现了一处让人舒心的后花园；并且爱上了土耳其研究员哈提斯·森吉兹(Hatice Cengiz)。哈提斯戴着头巾，虔诚有度；他们手牵手，在城市里散步，时不时地用古典阿拉伯语漫谈。他此前离过三次婚，在和她结婚之前，还有些手续要办，于是他去沙特领事馆解决此事。但此后他便再也杳无音讯。
翻译组：
YI，财务一枚，经济学人爱好者
Kemay，决心练好笔译的未来口译员
Lucia，英语专业学生，经济学人爱好者
Amber，博物馆人，总爱忘事儿，老友记粉
校核组：
Dave，肌肉男大学教师，文学翻译，CATTI一笔二口
Yao，英专本科生，准上外小硕，只读不背的经济学人爱好者
知识点收集组：
Lynn, 非英专，经济学人爱好者
南五，经济学人小粉丝，考研备考
琚儿，英专，备考翻硕，外刊学习者
Tamara，非英专，catti三级和MTI备考中，外刊学习者
3
观点|评论|思考
本次观点由Leaders组组长Neil全权执笔
Neil，男，外贸行业，经济学人粉丝
讣告的定义是告知某人去世消息的一种丧葬应用文体，英文的解释也基本一致“a notice of someone's death; usually includes a short biography”。但是这篇文章似乎只写了死者的生平，连明确的死亡都没有提及，只轻描淡写了一句“He was not heard from again”，甚至还不如孔乙己的“我到现在终于没有见——大约孔乙己的确死了”。隐约间似乎想说明这人的生平并不重要，后续才是关键。我大概看懂了一些最后一句“He was not heard from again”用法的含义，因为如果直叙死亡的话就免不了涉及到哪里死的，怎么死的，为什么死的等等之类的描写，但现在这一切都是皇帝的新装，大家都知道答案，却没人可以说出来，相信肯定会有个官方的最终版本，而且以我的愚见，这个版本与事实无关，是各方博弈的结果，要达到各方面都平衡的要求。如此一来，自然TE无法有如此大的能量来写这份材料了，但又不甘心自己没有参与到这么大的热点事件中去，折中的办法就只能是这篇讣告了。
纵观历史、环顾当今世界，倘若这事发生在专制政权国内，几乎如水流大海，石入沙漠一般，不要说引起这么大的关注，甚至于连知晓的人都几乎没有。所以一开始土耳其总统的起头很重要，其言一出就已经将此事摆上了世界舞台的聚光灯之下，已经没有办法低调冷处理了，自然有人要问，埃尔多安为什么要替一个沙特记者出头，莫非是内心的正义感使然，这大约是想多了。真正的原因应该也很明显，转移矛盾、提高自身在中东的领导权等等之类的政治诉求。
目前已经有小道消息放出来说沙特王储地位可能不保，这个其实也是意料之中的事，毕竟上次逮捕其他王子，最后交钱放人，包括这次的事，处理上都明显缺乏政治智慧，显得过于随性。让这种人继承的话显然有比较大的风险，老国王肯定会慎重考虑。
最后我想说的是，在社会上生存，各行各业，都有自己的规则和逻辑，除非自己有足够大的能量来改变它，就好像现在的特朗普（完全打破了之前的政治明暗规则），否则还是老老实实循规蹈矩吧，毕竟最后吃亏的还是自己。
4
愿景
小组
现有经济学人讨论群一个,如果您也有兴趣，可联系小编WeChat : foxwulihua。点击下方图片进行小程序打卡。
小提示：文末广告由腾讯提供，内容与本公众号无关，但是你的每次点击将为本平台赚取几毛收益。小编再次为你的每次点击广告表示感谢，快快发挥你们的点指神功吧。